Global EditionASIA 中文雙語Fran?ais
    Opinion
    Home / Opinion / Op-Ed Contributors

    'De-risking' only a lose-lose option for EU

    By Wang Yiwei | chinadaily.com.cn | Updated: 2023-12-06 15:53
    Share
    Share - WeChat
    [Photo/China Daily]

    The year of 2023 marks the 20th anniversary of the establishment of the comprehensive strategic partnership between China and the European Union, and this year the 24th China-EU Summit on Dec 7 will return to offline sessions for the first time since 2019.

    In June 2023, the EU unveiled its Joint Communication on a European Economic Security Strategy, emphasizing a three-pronged approach in its relations with China. It formally introduced “de-risking” as a strategic approach toward China, aiming to enhance Europe’s independence in critical technological areas and raw materials supply, as well as the autonomy of production chains, considering them as serious threats to European economic security. This move seeks to diminish the capabilities of “strategic competitors” like China while maintaining cooperation in the majority of goods and services trade between China and Europe. It is essential to note that this approach does not imply complete “decoupling”.

    Currently, Sino-European relations confront challenges amid geopolitical competition. The European strategy toward China, particularly its emphasis on risk reduction, may intensify tensions between China and Europe, posing challenges to practical cooperation between the two sides.

    In essence, “de-risking” reflects a form of “trade protectionism” that contradicts the principles of market economy and free trade rules. Fears among EU member states stemming from China’s substantial trade surplus has made them attribute it to what they perceive as China’s strong government intervention. Consequently, the EU has gradually implemented restrictive measures on China’s high-tech industries, such as limitations on importing chip materials and launching anti-subsidy investigations into low-cost Chinese electric vehicles. These actions aim to curb the development of Chinese enterprises in Europe.

    From a formal perspective, the EU’s “de-risking” policy largely appears to blindly follow the diplomatic route of the United States, which doesn’t align with European interests. Despite the US and Europe’ different positions on China, there is a gradual convergence in rhetoric, and both sides are leveraging their dominant international mechanisms globally to collaboratively advance the “de-risking” process against China. This implies that Europe is compelled to sacrifice its own interests in China to serve the strategic objectives of the US. Undoubtedly, this compromises the strategic autonomy emphasized by the EU, proving detrimental to the development of friendly EU-China relations and the realization of each country’s individual interests in the international community.

    From the perspective of outcomes, the de-risking policy not only fails to alleviate the security concerns that the EU harbors but also inflicts a significant blow to the collaborative relationship between China and Europe, introducing substantial risks to the deeply intertwined global economy. The core of the EU’s de-risking lies in the economic domain. The strategy underscores the need for the EU to enhance its competitiveness, strengthen the unity of the European market, and intensify efforts in human capital and skill development. The EU seeks to maintain its leading position in the fields of health, digital, and clean technologies, aiming to mitigate risks associated with dependence on a single supply source.

    In the present context, where China plays a prominent role in global economic growth, reducing economic ties with China would exacerbate the challenges of addressing the sluggish recovery of the world economy. This approach represents a disruption to international cooperation, undermining the previously established cooperative ecosystem and preventing the international community from rallying collective efforts to tackle global risks. The EU should adapt to the current situation and, in various domains, propel the deepening of cooperation with China.

    First, cooperation between China and the EU is a pragmatic move and a significant boon for EU member states. There is no consensus among EU member states on the de-risking policy. Instead, internal disagreements exist over its perceived radical and hasty nature. Some argue for a more open attitude toward engaging and cooperating with China. The burgeoning collaboration in the Chinese-German new energy vehicle industry and comprehensive cooperation in the aviation manufacturing and materials sector between China and France exemplify the positive dynamics. The positive interactions between the two major economies in the EU can play a leading role in fostering China-EU cooperation. Additionally, the EU should break free from political and ideological constraints, redefining China’s international role and the China-EU partnership. It should fully recognize China’s commitment to initiatives such as the Belt and Road, the concept of a community with a shared future for mankind, and global development proposals that reflect a responsible approach by a major nation willing to share development benefits with the world.

    Capitalizing on the precious opportunity presented by the upcoming leadership summit, and leveraging the growing consensus on deepening economic and trade cooperation between China and Germany, as well as the supportive forces within the European Parliament, efforts should be made to restart the Comprehensive Agreement on Investment. This could open a new chapter in the all-encompassing development of China-EU relations.

    Second, there remains extensive room for cooperation between China and the EU in the fields of economy and trade, as well as collaborative efforts in climate governance related to clean energy, green manufacturing and sustainable transportation. Since the outbreak of the Russia-Ukraine conflict, China and the EU have jointly shouldered international responsibilities in geopolitical and international crisis management.

    Third, amid the intensifying competition among major powers, China and the EU, as significant proponents of globalization, need to unite and support each other to collectively promote global peace and prosperity. The tactical easing of tensions between China and the US has removed some obstacles for the China-EU leaders’ summit. However, it’s vital for the EU to strengthen strategic autonomy.

    Looking ahead at the international landscape, the enduring uncertainty and risks in the relationship between China and the US underscore the crucial role of China-EU relations in advancing global peace and prosperity. In the short term, China-EU cooperation is beneficial for fostering a positive collaborative environment; in the long term, it will contribute to the capacity building and strategic autonomy of the EU.

    China-EU cooperation is an inevitable choice for China and Europe in promoting national economic development and safeguarding core national interests in the contemporary era. It is also a necessary means to drive global stability and prosperity. The EU should seize the opportunity presented by the China-EU leaders’ summit, discard the erroneous perception of de-risking, and continually deepen the comprehensive strategic partnership between China and the EU. Together, they can promote the stability and long-term development of bilateral relations.

    The author is director of the Institute of International Affairs at Renmin University of China.

    The views don't necessarily reflect those of China Daily.

    If you have a specific expertise, or would like to share your thought about our stories, then send us your writings at opinion@chinadaily.com.cn or comment@chinadaily.com.cn.

    Most Viewed in 24 Hours
    Top
    BACK TO THE TOP
    English
    Copyright 1995 - . All rights reserved. The content (including but not limited to text, photo, multimedia information, etc) published in this site belongs to China Daily Information Co (CDIC). Without written authorization from CDIC, such content shall not be republished or used in any form. Note: Browsers with 1024*768 or higher resolution are suggested for this site.
    License for publishing multimedia online 0108263

    Registration Number: 130349
    FOLLOW US
    久久精品无码专区免费东京热| 人妻丰满熟妇AV无码区乱| 无码人妻精品一区二区三区久久久| 中文无码熟妇人妻AV在线| 中文人妻无码一区二区三区 | 成在线人AV免费无码高潮喷水| 日韩免费在线中文字幕| 伊人久久大香线蕉无码麻豆| 日韩丰满少妇无码内射| 无码AV动漫精品一区二区免费| 中文字幕丰满伦子无码| 无码人妻一区二区三区在线水卜樱 | 久久午夜无码鲁丝片秋霞 | avtt亚洲一区中文字幕| 亚洲中文字幕无码专区| 国产免费黄色无码视频| 日韩欧精品无码视频无删节 | 无码夫の前で人妻を侵犯 | 中文无码久久精品| 久久AV无码精品人妻糸列| 精品久久久久中文字| 人妻AV中文字幕一区二区三区 | 一本无码中文字幕在线观| 亚洲AV无码之日韩精品| 亚洲AV中文无码乱人伦在线视色| 国产a v无码专区亚洲av| 亚洲精品无码不卡| 少妇极品熟妇人妻无码| 蜜臀AV无码国产精品色午夜麻豆| 国精无码欧精品亚洲一区| 国模GOGO无码人体啪啪| 国产精品久久久久无码av| 刺激无码在线观看精品视频| 亚洲AV无码一区二区一二区 | 日韩国产中文字幕| 精品亚洲综合久久中文字幕| 亚洲电影中文字幕| 中文字幕一区二区三区在线不卡| 日韩a级无码免费视频| 亚洲成AV人在线观看天堂无码| 亚洲av日韩av无码|