Global EditionASIA 中文雙語Fran?ais
    Opinion
    Home / Opinion / China and the World Roundtable

    Climate goals need trade collaboration

    By Cyn-Young Park | China Daily | Updated: 2024-03-25 07:51
    Share
    Share - WeChat
    Wind turbines in Zhoushan, Zhejiang province, slowly turn with the help of sea breezes and generate green electricity for places across the country on July 2, 2023. [YAO FENG/FOR CHINA DAILY]

    The countries responsible for 88 percent of global carbon emissions, including large emitters in Asia, have pledged net-zero emissions by 2050(with some realizing the goal between 2060 and 2070), yet current efforts are insufficient to achieve that target. Integrating trade policies with climate initiatives could break the gridlock and bring us closer to achieving this crucial goal.

    A growing number of countries have pledged to achieve the time-bound net-zero emissions. More than 140 countries, which account for about 88 percent of global emissions, including the biggest emitters — China, the United States, India and the European Union — have now signed up. Their net-zero targets are translated into climate action plans, or Nationally Determined Contributions, to reduce emissions and slow the pace of global warming. However, the current NDCs are not enough to achieve the climate goal set in the Paris Agreement to keep global temperature rise to below 1.5 degrees Celsius above the average preindustrial level.

    Trade policies need to become more integrated with the NDCs to cover the shortfall. Unfortunately, the nexus between trade policy and climate actions continues to be overlooked in formulating the NDCs. The economic rationales for improving the interface between trade policy and climate actions are compelling. For example, green trade can offer many solutions to climate change by expediting the transition to renewable energy, promoting technology transfer, and encouraging investment in green sectors and low-carbon technologies among others.

    Leveraging green trade and investment is also key to successfully facilitating the energy transition and the NDCs' implementation in developing countries which face difficulties in gaining access to finance and technologies.

    Policy frameworks under the NDCs, which help create new trade and investment opportunities in renewable energy for example, can support just transitions in developing countries and increase their NDC ambitions.

    But geoeconomic fragmentation is a growing threat to the transition to clean energy and developing a net-zero economy. Conflicting national interests in the name of energy security have led many countries to undertake unilateral actions and restrict trade in materials critical for energy transition. And as enterprises compete in the global race to secure the supplies of critical minerals for new business opportunities, governments lend their support to domestic companies and promote domestic energy transition through additional protectionist measures.

    With many governments leaning toward protectionism, businesses and investors retreat further from overseas activities. Protectionist policies could persist despite their adverse consequences on the reliability of global supply chains and national long-term energy security, if the lack of collective global actions continues to create uncertainties over trade and supply chains.

    Given the complex workings of deeply interconnected global value chains, protectionist measures such as export bans, tariffs and subsidies create uncertainty, which in turn will discourage investments. They can also distort business incentives, create supply chain bottlenecks, and disrupt the flow of essential inputs that could be detrimental to the successful transition to clean energy technologies.

    Trade policies need to become more integrated with the NDCs to address the shortfall the current NDCs represent in delivering on the global climate goal. It would be more sensible therefore to implement proactive policies such as encouraging investment in infrastructure and human capital development, and implementing reforms to improve the overall business environment while preserving open trade and investment regimes.

    As global energy transitions gather pace, developing reliable, diversified and responsible supply chains for critical mineral and clean energy manufacturing is becoming strategically important in Asia and the Pacific. The region boasts rich natural resources, well-established manufacturing and industrial bases for clean energy technologies, as well as a high-quality and skilled workforce.

    To unlock the massive economic potential from the global energy transition, the region's policymakers must take coordinated measures to reduce business uncertainties, help manage environmental, social and governance risks, and support reforms to address supply-side constraints. Governments, for their part, can encourage private and foreign investors to input capital into projects by "de-risking" investments, leveraging government funding and tax incentives, and forging strategic partnerships to reduce policy uncertainties and political instability.

    A united front on green trade and investment can exert significant influence on national climate pledges. For example, trade agreements with strong environmental provisions can help increase the NDC ambitions and make their implementation more efficient by aligning private sector incentives with climate goals and creating an environment conducive to green trade and investment.

    More importantly, coherent policies and coordinated actions across countries will help strengthen their NDC targets and expedite their implementation. The current trade tensions and geoeconomic fragmentation harm our chances of capitalizing on these opportunities and reaching the global climate goals in time to avert the climate crisis.

    The collective ambition to achieve net-zero emissions underscores the urgent need to leverage trade policies for climate action. Trade policy reforms focusing on transparent trade rules and regulations can reduce market uncertainties that hamper investment in green projects, boost confidence and trust by increasing market access for private and foreign investors, and facilitate cross-border investment and technical transfers.

    The author is director for Regional Cooperation and Integration and Trade, Asian Development Bank.

    The views expressed are those of the authors and do not necessarily reflect the views of the Asian Development Bank, its management, its Board of Directors, or its members.

    The views don't necessarily reflect those of China Daily.

    If you have a specific expertise, or would like to share your thought about our stories, then send us your writings at opinion@chinadaily.com.cn, and comment@chinadaily.com.cn.

     

     

     

    Most Viewed in 24 Hours
    Top
    BACK TO THE TOP
    English
    Copyright 1995 - . All rights reserved. The content (including but not limited to text, photo, multimedia information, etc) published in this site belongs to China Daily Information Co (CDIC). Without written authorization from CDIC, such content shall not be republished or used in any form. Note: Browsers with 1024*768 or higher resolution are suggested for this site.
    License for publishing multimedia online 0108263

    Registration Number: 130349
    FOLLOW US
    无套中出丰满人妻无码| 国产午夜无码视频在线观看| 无码精品视频一区二区三区| 欧美中文在线视频| 无码人妻一区二区三区免费视频 | 无码中文av有码中文a| 无码一区二区三区免费| 在线欧美天码中文字幕| 日韩精品无码一区二区中文字幕 | 日韩免费人妻AV无码专区蜜桃| 日韩欧美中文在线| 亚洲日韩VA无码中文字幕| 日韩AV无码久久一区二区| 人妻AV中出无码内射| 中文字幕精品无码久久久久久3D日动漫 | 性无码一区二区三区在线观看| 中文字幕av高清有码| 人妻精品久久久久中文字幕一冢本| 国产成人亚洲综合无码| 精品无码人妻一区二区免费蜜桃 | 久久精品亚洲AV久久久无码| 狠狠躁天天躁无码中文字幕图| 少妇人妻综合久久中文字幕 | 亚洲av麻豆aⅴ无码电影| AV无码久久久久不卡网站下载| 亚洲国产精品无码久久一线| 成年无码av片完整版| 国产品无码一区二区三区在线| 亚洲国产日韩欧美在线a乱码日本中文字幕高清 | 亚洲AV无码一区二区三区国产| 精品无码国产污污污免费网站国产| 秋霞无码一区二区| 国产AV巨作情欲放纵无码| 少妇人妻无码专区视频| 人妻少妇乱子伦无码视频专区| 亚洲2022国产成人精品无码区| 无码人妻久久一区二区三区免费 | 中文字幕1级在线| 久久亚洲日韩看片无码| 亚洲VA中文字幕无码毛片| 色综合久久中文字幕无码|