久久久无码人妻精品无码_6080YYY午夜理论片中无码_性无码专区_无码人妻品一区二区三区精99

Global EditionASIA 中文雙語Fran?ais
Opinion
Home / Opinion / Global Views

Earth shattering

As COP29 epitomized the fragmentation of contemporary climate governance, COP30 must reset it with a coherent regime

By YU HONGYUAN and ZHANG YASEN | China Daily Global | Updated: 2025-09-17 06:12
Share
Share - WeChat
WANG XIAOYING/CHINA DAILY

Global climate governance has entered a period of profound transformation. Following the signing of the Paris Agreement in April 2016, many had hoped that the international community would agree on a coherent set of rules and institutions capable of addressing climate change at the necessary speed and scale. Yet the reality today, starkly revealed by the 2024 United Nations Climate Change Conference in Baku (COP29), is one of accelerating fragmentation. Instead of consolidating collective action, the global system has splintered into overlapping institutions, inconsistent norms and competing coalitions.

Fragmentation in climate governance represents a fundamental disjuncture between the political, economic, legal and scientific subsystems that must interact to address climate change. Climate governance fragmentation arises when climate institutions interact, with the resulting gaps manifested as overlapping climate regimes, conflicting rules, and a growing disconnect between societal demands and institutional responses.

COP29 vividly demonstrated these dynamics. Although expected to be a breakthrough event for climate finance and carbon markets, COP29 exposed the depth of the current divisions. On finance, developing countries — including China, India, the Arab Group and the Small Island Developing States — called for a new collective quantified goal of at least $1.3 trillion annually, with half provided as grants rather than loans to avoid exacerbating debt crises. They argued that such resources are essential for low-carbon transitions across the Global South. Developed countries, led by the United States and parts of the European Union, rejected this scale of ambition. The final outcome was far more modest: by 2035, developed countries would "mobilize" $300 billion annually, mostly from private investments rather than direct public contributions. This gap between needs and commitments reflects both the US policy reversal under the second Donald Trump administration and a broader unwillingness among wealthy nations to accept their historical responsibilities. For vulnerable countries, it signals a persistent structural inequity in the global system.

Disputes were equally stark on fossil fuel phase-out. Arab oil-exporting countries strongly opposed any binding language on "phasing out" or even "phasing down" fossil fuels. To avoid open conflict, the final COP29 text omitted explicit references altogether, merely alluding indirectly to past agreements. This outcome underscores how divergent energy security priorities and economic dependencies block the emergence of a shared transition pathway.

Similarly, carbon market negotiations revealed persistent fragmentation. Although COP29 finalized long-delayed implementation rules for Article 6 of the Paris Agreement, this technical achievement was overshadowed by the reality that 36 different emissions trading systems currently operate worldwide, with 22 more in development. There is no mechanism to link these systems or standardize carbon credits. The EU's Carbon Border Adjustment Mechanism further complicates the picture, introducing unilateral border measures that many developing countries — including China, India and South Africa — view as disguised protectionism incompatible with World Trade Organization principles.

Meanwhile, non-state actors — corporations, cities and non-governmental organizations — continue to expand their role through voluntary initiatives. While valuable, these efforts are often uncoordinated, resulting in a chaotic landscape of overlapping pledges and fragmented accountability.

COP29 thus epitomized the structural failures of contemporary climate governance. Feedback mechanisms are weak: the voices and needs of the most vulnerable are often excluded from decision-making, and financial flows reflect donor priorities rather than recipient realities.

The challenges are daunting, but fragmentation also creates opportunities. By recognizing the autonomy of different systems and actors, it is possible to design coupling mechanisms that enable coordination without imposing uniformity. Several pathways forward emerge. First, feedback mechanisms must be strengthened to integrate Global South priorities into global decision-making. This includes institutionalizing representation for vulnerable states in finance allocation processes and establishing metrics to assess equitable distribution. Second, the language of climate agreements must be clarified. Common terminology would reduce the scope for divergent interpretations. Third, cross-system coordination platforms are needed to align data systems, reporting standards and financial flows across fragmented regimes. Neutral spaces for dispute resolution could prevent carbon trade conflicts from escalating into broader geopolitical tensions. Finally, empowering South-South cooperation is crucial. Developing countries should not merely implement rules set elsewhere but actively shape norms and institutions.

In this context, China can play an important role. As both the world's largest developing country and a leading provider of clean energy technologies, China has the capacity to act as a bridge between diverse systems. It has consistently defended the principle of "common but differentiated responsibilities", resisting narratives that seek to reallocate historical obligations onto emerging economies. In response to attempts to shift the financial burden onto rising powers, China and its partners have proposed a fairness index for climate finance to evaluate contributions based on equity and capability rather than simplistic metrics of GDP or emissions.

China itself has dramatically scaled up its South-South cooperation. It has funded renewable energy projects, low-carbon infrastructure, agricultural resilience programs and capacity-building initiatives. Initiatives such as the Belt and Road Green Development Partnership and the Africa Solar Belt program exemplify how China is leveraging its industrial and technological strengths to empower vulnerable states. These efforts are not merely about aid; they are about constructing alternative governance pathways and demonstrating new models of cooperation. Through regional mechanisms with the African Union, the Association of Southeast Asian Nations and BRICS, China is also promoting mutual recognition of green finance standards and carbon credits, challenging Northern-dominated evaluation systems that impose barriers on Global South projects.

But without successful collective actions between Global South and developed countries, we remain on track for a temperature rise of 2.7 C or more according to the projections of the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change. That will have catastrophic consequences for ecosystems, economies and societies.

COP30 in Belém, Brazil, will therefore be critical for testing new ideas such as the Brazil Climate and Ecological Transformation Investment Platform, the Tropical Forest Forever Facility and global climate risk insurance schemes. Whether these innovations succeed will depend on overcoming entrenched divisions and building structural coupling between fragmented systems. China's leadership in South-South cooperation will be critical to this effort. By amplifying vulnerable voices, providing tangible resources and demonstrating alternative models, China can help transform fragmentation from a source of paralysis into a foundation for resilience and diversity.

The future of global climate governance will not be determined by a single summit or agreement. It will emerge from countless interactions among states, markets and societies. While fragmentation is now a defining feature of the climate response, it need not mean failure if we act now. Through pragmatic convergence, inclusive multilateralism and shared responsibility, a more equitable and coherent climate regime is still possible. China, working with partners across the Global South and engaging with developed actors such as the EU, can help steer this transition. In doing so, it will not only address the defining challenge of our time but also shape the contours of international cooperation for decades to come.

Yu Hongyuan is a professor at the School of Political Science & International Relations at Tongji University. Zhang Yasen is a research assistant at the Shanghai Institutes for International Studies. The authors contributed this article to China Watch, a think tank powered by China Daily.

The views do not necessarily reflect those of China Daily.

Contact the editor at editor@chinawatch.cn.

Most Viewed in 24 Hours
Top
BACK TO THE TOP
English
Copyright 1995 - . All rights reserved. The content (including but not limited to text, photo, multimedia information, etc) published in this site belongs to China Daily Information Co (CDIC). Without written authorization from CDIC, such content shall not be republished or used in any form. Note: Browsers with 1024*768 or higher resolution are suggested for this site.
License for publishing multimedia online 0108263

Registration Number: 130349
FOLLOW US
久久久无码人妻精品无码_6080YYY午夜理论片中无码_性无码专区_无码人妻品一区二区三区精99

    色香蕉久久蜜桃| 欧美日韩午夜在线视频| 日韩毛片精品高清免费| 在线亚洲免费视频| 日韩av午夜在线观看| 欧美精品一区二区三区久久久| 国产精品白丝jk黑袜喷水| 国产精品久久久久久久久晋中 | 国产乱一区二区| 欧美激情综合五月色丁香小说| 97se狠狠狠综合亚洲狠狠| 午夜私人影院久久久久| 2020国产精品久久精品美国| 99久久精品免费观看| 午夜欧美2019年伦理| www久久精品| 日本丰满少妇一区二区三区| 日本va欧美va精品| 中文字幕免费一区| 欧美日韩免费在线视频| 国产在线视频不卡二| 亚洲欧美日韩一区二区三区在线观看| 88在线观看91蜜桃国自产| 国产老肥熟一区二区三区| 亚洲欧美日韩国产中文在线| 欧美一区二区三区公司| 懂色av一区二区三区免费看| 亚洲第一二三四区| 国产亚洲成aⅴ人片在线观看| 日本韩国一区二区| 狠狠久久亚洲欧美| 一区二区三区中文在线| 久久网这里都是精品| 欧美视频一区二区三区四区 | 老色鬼精品视频在线观看播放| 国产精品你懂的在线欣赏| 欧美日韩亚洲另类| 日韩欧美一区二区在线视频| av电影在线观看一区| 久久精品久久久精品美女| 亚洲免费观看高清完整版在线观看熊| 欧美变态口味重另类| 日本精品视频一区二区| 国产麻豆视频一区| 天天操天天干天天综合网| 国产精品丝袜一区| 日韩三级高清在线| 在线观看91精品国产入口| 国产成人精品亚洲午夜麻豆| 日本在线不卡视频| 亚洲免费av高清| 国产欧美一区二区三区鸳鸯浴 | 精品国产免费一区二区三区香蕉 | 91国偷自产一区二区三区成为亚洲经典| 九色综合狠狠综合久久| 午夜欧美2019年伦理| 国产精品成人免费| 国产婷婷色一区二区三区| 91精品国产入口| 欧美最猛黑人xxxxx猛交| 不卡的电视剧免费网站有什么| 久久成人精品无人区| 午夜伦理一区二区| 夜夜嗨av一区二区三区四季av | 欧美在线不卡视频| 成人精品高清在线| 国产精品一区2区| 麻豆免费看一区二区三区| 亚洲成人先锋电影| 夜夜亚洲天天久久| 亚洲男人天堂av| 亚洲欧洲日产国码二区| 久久久精品欧美丰满| 日韩美女在线视频| 制服丝袜av成人在线看| 欧美日韩一级二级| 欧美中文字幕一区二区三区亚洲| a4yy欧美一区二区三区| 国产91高潮流白浆在线麻豆 | av男人天堂一区| 风流少妇一区二区| 国产一区 二区 三区一级| 理论电影国产精品| 久久精品av麻豆的观看方式| 日韩国产欧美三级| 视频一区免费在线观看| 亚洲图片欧美色图| 亚洲va欧美va人人爽午夜| 亚洲一区在线视频观看| 一区二区三区**美女毛片| 一区二区三区在线播| 一区二区三区不卡视频在线观看| 亚洲人123区| 亚洲裸体xxx| 一区二区免费在线播放| 亚洲一级二级在线| 亚洲va欧美va人人爽| 日韩国产精品久久久久久亚洲| 丝袜诱惑制服诱惑色一区在线观看| 亚洲国产欧美在线| 亚州成人在线电影| 免费在线视频一区| 久久精品二区亚洲w码| 韩国中文字幕2020精品| 国产精品一区二区三区乱码| 国产精品18久久久久久久久久久久| 国产大片一区二区| 成人av在线网站| 99热这里都是精品| 欧美在线观看视频一区二区| 欧美日韩视频在线一区二区| 欧美日韩精品电影| 日韩欧美黄色影院| 久久综合给合久久狠狠狠97色69| 国产性做久久久久久| 国产精品卡一卡二卡三| 亚洲激情综合网| 欧美色偷偷大香| 欧美人与禽zozo性伦| 欧美一区二区免费视频| 久久综合色鬼综合色| 国产精品欧美经典| 夜色激情一区二区| 免费日韩伦理电影| 国产精品一区二区久激情瑜伽| 成人av电影在线观看| 欧美无乱码久久久免费午夜一区 | 欧美日韩aaaaaa| 精品久久久久久久人人人人传媒| 久久一日本道色综合| 中文字幕一区在线观看视频| 洋洋成人永久网站入口| 免费在线成人网| 不卡一区在线观看| 欧美日韩精品欧美日韩精品一综合| 日韩欧美综合在线| 国产精品久久久久久久浪潮网站| 亚洲一二三四在线| 精品一区二区三区在线播放| 不卡一区二区在线| 7777精品伊人久久久大香线蕉超级流畅| 精品国产乱码久久久久久老虎| 国产精品国产a| 日产国产高清一区二区三区| 国产成人亚洲综合a∨婷婷图片| 色婷婷综合视频在线观看| 91精品综合久久久久久| 国产三级精品在线| 亚洲va欧美va天堂v国产综合| 国产一区二区视频在线| 99re视频这里只有精品| 日韩午夜激情av| 中文字幕在线观看不卡视频| 人妖欧美一区二区| 不卡高清视频专区| 日韩丝袜美女视频| 最新国产成人在线观看| 久久国产精品一区二区| 91丨九色丨蝌蚪富婆spa| 欧美成人一级视频| 一区二区三区在线免费| 国产精品自产自拍| 在线不卡免费欧美| 国产精品乱码一区二区三区软件| 亚洲123区在线观看| 成人激情综合网站| 日韩三级视频在线看| 亚洲男人的天堂网| 国产精品456| 91精品国产色综合久久不卡蜜臀| 日韩一区日韩二区| 久久99久久久欧美国产| 在线观看视频一区二区| 国产亚洲精品福利| 秋霞av亚洲一区二区三| 97精品超碰一区二区三区| 亚洲精品在线观看视频| 亚洲成在人线在线播放| 成年人网站91| 久久久一区二区| 日本aⅴ免费视频一区二区三区| 色婷婷综合久久久久中文 | 日韩专区欧美专区| 91免费版在线看| 中文字幕精品一区二区三区精品| 蜜桃av噜噜一区| 欧美日韩在线一区二区| 国产精品久99| 国产精品18久久久久| 日韩女优av电影在线观看| 一区二区免费视频| 97se亚洲国产综合自在线| 国产日韩av一区二区| 捆绑变态av一区二区三区| 在线观看区一区二| 日韩一区在线免费观看| 成人综合在线网站| 久久久综合激的五月天| 精品一区二区三区免费观看| 在线观看91精品国产麻豆|