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Time to build not break ties
By Feng Zhaokui, vice-chairman of the China Association of Historical Studies on Sino-Japanese Relations. When commenting on China's diplomacy in 2003, experts from both home and abroad speak highly of its new developments, features and attitudes. Encouraging progress and great successes have been achieved in areas such as multilateral and bilateral diplomacy. The adjustment of China's foreign policy and a series of diplomatic actions have demonstrated that China is a responsible power, and have helped create for the country a stable international environment and also made positive contributions to regional and world stability and development. Various countries around the world, in particular its neighbouring countries, have all reacted positively towards China's active and constructive diplomacy. Nonetheless, some scholars, while praising the increasingly cordial relations between China and the world, particularly her relations with neighbouring nations, feel pressed to add a qualifying "except Sino-Japanese relations.'' This reflects that, though people are satisfied with and encouraged by the positive development of China's foreign relations, they also feel a bit regretful about the country's relations with Japan. In fact, the Chinese Government has also worked hard to improve relations with Japan. Last year marked the 25th anniversary of the signing of the Sino-Japanese Treaty of Peace and Friendship, an occasion worth commemorating. Although there was no meeting between the top leaders of the two countries, they did meet each other three times in other countries. In a meeting between President Hu Jintao and Japanese Prime Minister Junichiro Koizumi in St Petersburg, Russia, last May, both leaders vowed to "use history as a mirror while looking forward into the future.'' Also, the China tour by the Japanese Defence Minister re-activated military exchanges between China and Japan, which had long been suspended. Most of the ministerial meetings between the two countries have been resumed. Last September China unilaterally exempted Japanese tourists from the short-term tourist visa requirement. The leaders of China, Japan and Republic of Korea held their fifth meeting in Bali, Indonesian last October. What needs to be specially mentioned is that in the process of dealing with the nuclear crisis on the Korean Peninsula and initiating the six-party talks, China also co-ordinated and co-operated with Japan. On Japan's part, during the SARS (severe acute respiratory syndrome) crisis, Japan provided the most aid to China. Prime Minister Koizumi stressed many times last year that China's development was not a threat to Japan. As the prime minister of a neighbouring country, his attitude is undoubtedly both persuasive and beneficial. The Japanese Government also expressed its serious concerns over the cross-Straits tension stirred up by Taiwan leader Chen Shui-bian's proposed "referendum'' and "new Constitution,'' and China's Foreign Ministry welcomed such support. However, despite the above-mentioned positive actions, there were also many negative ones in Japan's diplomacy towards China, including Koizumi's fourth visit to the Yasukuni Shrine as the Prime Minister. Generally speaking, these negative actions offset the positive ones, that were already far from enough. Since Koizumi indicated that he will visit the Yasukuni Shrine every year, it is safe to say that for the coming two or three years, the "cold politics'' between China and Japan have little chance of being altered. It is well known that although there has been great progress in Sino-Japanese economic and trade relations, largely because of economic globalization and market momentum, the fragility of these relations cannot be denied, because they can be easily influenced by political and emotional factors. Therefore, given this condition of "cold politics,'' how to maintain a "stable'' relationship, and avoid actions that contribute to worsening bilateral ties, and to keep nationalism sentiments under control at home so as to avoid a negative impact on domestic social stability as well as on bilateral economic relations that are important to the economic development of both countries will be a topic of vital concern in this year's Sino-Japanese relations. Bilateral diplomacy involves the concerns of both countries. China's new-thinking diplomacy of 2003 gained recognition and positive response from nearly all countries except Japan. China's concern about its diplomatic relations with Japan is not just because China needs Japan. In fact, many insightful figures in Japan have realized that the key of Japan's future development lies in Asia and that the peaceful rise of China is an important opportunity for Japan. In other words, the coming 20 years will not only be a period of strategic opportunity for China. It will be a period of key opportunity for the development of China and Japan's bilateral ties and an opportunity for the promotion of peaceful development based on Sino-Japanese economic co-operation. If the Japanese leaders wrongly judge the situation and take the "opportunity for peaceful development'' as "an opportunity for military development,'' they will go against the fundamental tide of the times and their own "national interests.'' In conclusion, the future growth of Sino-Japanese ties hinges to a large degree on finding ways to overcome Japan's barren foreign policy strategies.
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