Taking the first step to universal suffrage

    Updated: 2014-07-18 05:21

    By Carrie Lam(HK Edition)

      Print Mail Large Medium  Small 分享按鈕 0

    The Task Force on Constitutional Development headed by me has submitted its consultation report to the Chief Executive (CE). The CE has just made a report to the Standing Committee of the National People's Congress (NPCSC), inviting it to decide whether the methods for selecting the CE in 2017 and for forming the Legislative Council (LegCo) in 2016 should be amended. This is the first step which formally kick-started the "Five-Step Process" of constitutional development.

    During the consultation, we appealed to the people of Hong Kong to have dialogue with us and highlighted the clear basis for introducing universal suffrage, in the hope that the community would seize the opportunity to achieve universal suffrage. As pointed out in the consultation report, the general public are indeed eagerly looking forward to selecting the CE by "one person, one vote" in 2017. However, the community is still divided over certain important issues. As we stand at the crossroads of selecting the CE by universal suffrage, it is worthwhile for us to revisit a few important perspectives with a view to reaching a consensus and finding a way forward.

    Taking the first step to universal suffrage

    First, the historical perspective. The aim of selecting the CE and forming the LegCo by universal suffrage was first set out in the Basic Law promulgated in 1990, not the Sino-British Joint Declaration. At that time, the Hong Kong legislature had yet to have put in place the mechanism of electing LegCo members through geographical direct elections, but the Basic Law promulgated by the National People's Congress (NPC) had already incorporated the ultimate aim of selecting the CE and electing all LegCo members by universal suffrage. As for the timetable of selecting the CE by universal suffrage in 2017, it was set by the decision of the NPCSC made in 2007. Without the Basic Law and the NPCSC decision of 2007, we would not have any foundation to discuss the selection of the CE by universal suffrage in 2017.

    Second, the constitutional perspective. The State has established the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region (HKSAR) pursuant to Article 31 of the Constitution. Article 2 of the Basic Law stipulates that the NPC authorizes the HKSAR to exercise a high degree of autonomy and enjoy executive, legislative and independent judicial power, including that of final adjudication, in accordance with the provisions of the Basic Law. Article 12 of the Basic Law provides that the HKSAR shall be a local administrative region which shall enjoy a high degree of autonomy and come directly under the Central People's Government (CPG). Being a local administrative region as opposed to an independent polity, the design and development of Hong Kong's political structure must follow the requirements prescribed by the NPC pursuant to the Constitution.

    The central authorities play a clear and significant role in amending the methods for selecting the CE and forming the LegCo. It is provided in the Basic Law that the CE selected by universal suffrage shall be appointed by the CPG. The CE is also required to implement the directives issued by the CPG in respect of the relevant matters provided for in the Basic Law. Accordingly, the selection of the CE by universal suffrage not only concerns the people of Hong Kong, but is also an important State business in terms of the relationship between the central and local authorities.

    Third, the legal perspective. Article 45 of the Basic Law provides that the CE shall be selected by universal suffrage upon nomination by a broadly representative Nominating Committee in accordance with democratic procedures. Throughout the consultation period, we have been stressing that discussion on constitutional development should be based on the Basic Law. We have also quoted in the consultation report that there are views in the community which consider that any proposal bypassing or undermining the powers of the nominating committee to nominate candidates is highly unlikely to be in conformity with the provisions of the Basic Law.

    Laws, especially those of a constitutional nature like the Basic Law, which have been formulated through reasonable legislative processes, should never be freely interpreted or lightly abandoned. If the proposal put forward by the government for consideration by the community and the LegCo is contrary to the law, our constitutional reform will go down the wrong path and stand a slim chance of success.

    Fourth, the political perspective. The most difficult step in the "Five-Step Process" is to get the proposal passed by a two-thirds majority of all LegCo members, which means that the proposal must receive cross-party support to some extent and political parties must adjust their stance and make compromises. I understand that the political atmosphere in the community is tense at present. After the public consultation, there is still a considerable amount of people expressing their different opinions on constitutional development proposals. These opinions should be respected by both the government and LegCo members. I believe that real politics should work for the long-term and overall interests of the community. A consensus on realizing the goal of universal suffrage is not unattainable if we bear the common good in mind, move a step further, and try to resolve the differences or even stop insisting on some of one's own views. In my opinion, serving the common good is the true purpose of politics, and is also the perspective through which our community should consider constitutional reform.

    Last but not least, constitutional development should not be viewed solely from a historical perspective. We should also look forward. Some people regard the universal suffrage system of 2017 as the final stage of constitutional development, making parties further polarized to hold on to their views about the arrangement. My personal view on this point is that the relevant system could be further refined after the implementation of universal suffrage. Implementing universal suffrage in 2017 for the selection of the CE is our first step. This first step will allow over 5 million eligible voters to elect the CE through "one person, one vote". Once put in place, the arrangement will form an integral component of the HKSAR's constitutional system, which will not turn back but only forge ahead, and could be further refined.

    The first step in the "Five-Step Process" of constitutional development will bring us closer to the goal of selecting the CE by universal suffrage. After the NPCSC makes a decision on whether there is a need to amend the method for selecting the CE, the HKSAR Government will carry out a consultation on the specific proposals around the end of this year. I again call on the people of Hong Kong to continue the discussion in a rational and pragmatic manner, narrow the differences and reach a consensus on the subject of constitutional reform. By so doing, we will be able to achieve universal suffrage for selecting the CE in 2017, and more than 5 million eligible voters in Hong Kong will have the chance to cast their votes for the next CE.

    The author is chief secretary for administration of the Hong Kong SAR Government.

    (HK Edition 07/18/2014 page9)

    中文字幕乱码免费视频| 精品无码综合一区| 永久免费无码日韩视频| 国产网红主播无码精品| 中文字幕人妻中文AV不卡专区| 亚洲午夜福利AV一区二区无码| 波多野结衣中文字幕在线| 国产AV无码专区亚洲Av| 亚洲AV无码一区二区三区性色| 线中文在线资源 官网| 久久无码中文字幕东京热 | 最近中文字幕完整版免费高清 | 亚洲日产无码中文字幕| 99精品人妻无码专区在线视频区| 潮喷失禁大喷水无码| 久久亚洲中文字幕精品一区四| 中文人妻av高清一区二区| 国产精品无码免费播放| 国产精品无码无在线观看| 无码日韩人妻精品久久蜜桃| 国产网红主播无码精品| 在线观看片免费人成视频无码| 中文字幕无码不卡免费视频| 无码av中文一二三区| 久久久久综合中文字幕| 佐佐木明希一区二区中文字幕| 中文字幕精品视频| 今天免费中文字幕视频| 娇小性色xxxxx中文| 最近免费中文字幕高清大全| 最近免费中文字幕mv在线电影| 国内精品久久久久久中文字幕| 中文字幕天天躁日日躁狠狠躁免费 | 色婷婷综合久久久久中文一区二区 | 亚洲精品无码久久久影院相关影片 | 中文字幕亚洲精品无码| 亚洲精品无码激情AV| 中文字幕一区二区人妻性色| 无码8090精品久久一区| 中文字幕人妻丝袜乱一区三区| а√在线中文网新版地址在线|