Because the two countries have completely different histories, another mistake that US officials often make is underestimating how much China cherishes its national sovereignty and political unity. They tend to think that China will redefine its core interests as it develops, and wrongly conclude China is over-sensitive about the territorial disputes. If the US experts learn more about the subjugation and national infamy China suffered in the 1800s and early 1950s, they would think otherwise.

Some historical policies should be considered flexible, too. China and the US used to be enemies on the battlefield in the early 1950s, and political opponents in the decades that followed; but now they are partners as the largest and second-largest economies in the world. Faced with common challenges such as terrorism, nuclear non-proliferation, cybersecurity and climate change, decision-makers from both sides need to give up the old thinking.

However, the US continues to adhere to some policies that date back decades. For instance, it has never stopped arms sale to Taiwan; it is strengthening its alliance system in the Asia-Pacific to "contain" China. While with regard to China's maritime territorial disputes with some of its neighbors in the South China Sea, the US' acquiescence of the provocations of its allies has encouraged them to stir up further trouble.

In managing their differences, neither China nor the US should assume superiority over the other. Both need to know what the other defines as its core interests and avoid challenging them.

Any speculation without support must be carefully avoided, so as to prevent a vicious circle of misunderstanding, which may lead to deeper divergences or even antagonism.

Especially, China should be more open and tolerate various opinions, including criticisms. This rising nation has a global ambition and only by learning from others can it become a true global power.

This author is a professor at and vice-dean of China Foreign Affairs University.