US EUROPE AFRICA ASIA 中文
    Opinion / Op-Ed Contributors

    Global tests in path of 'Chinese Dream'

    By Walter L. Chri Stman (China Daily) Updated: 2015-05-26 07:46

    Global tests in path of 'Chinese Dream'

    Chinese military vehicles attend the closing ceremony of the Peace Mission - 2014 military drill in Zhurihe, North China's Inner Mongolia autonomous region, Aug 29, 2014. [Photo/Xinhua]

    In modern times, national security has been viewed by policymakers throughout the world as a calculus of military relationships and the relative balance of military power. That concept is becoming less helpful in understanding international behavior and risk, as the nature of national and global security threats continues to evolve, and the vulnerability of modern societies to disruption continues to increase.

    The most serious long-term threats to any country's national security and prosperity are now transnational. They are shared global threats that reflect new vulnerabilities, and addressing them will require new concepts of strategy and leadership, that is accompanied by holistic and integrated learning, in order to enable enduring global security and sustainable development.

    This is to suggest that China's approach to national security would be inadequate for its future needs, if it were unduly focused on nation-against-nation competition in relation to military affairs alone. This would be true even if it were peaceful in all intentions, aspiring only toward a more harmonious world.

    The vision of "Chinese Dream" in which China is globally seen as a preeminent nation of first rank and President Xi Jinping's call for a "new type of major power relationship" both comport well with a world changing with breathtaking speed in its technological and political dimensions. All countries now confront threats that few could have imagined half a century ago; all are vulnerable to new technologies, new actors, new combinations of natural forces and human intent.

    The realization of the "Chinese Dream" will require other countries, including the United States, to accept that a "new type of major power relationship" will inevitably lead to a convergence of ideas, because the complexities of global challenges are well beyond the ability of any one country to address. US President Barack Obama has welcomed the approach, but modalities of cooperation still need to be found.

    Finding solutions to global challenges will require a global educational partnership, empowered by research and action in many dimensions and at many levels. This implies that China can play a major role in reshaping power relations to mutual benefit through its own search for "win-win" solutions. Examples of the emerging challenges that need focused attention include: the impact of carbon-based energy sources on climate change, growing worldwide food and water shortages, an unstable global economy, a rising potential for global pandemics and unregulated health crises, severe damage to the world's oceans, global job migration, and criminal and terrorist acts on land, at sea, in the air and in cyberspace.

    The examples help illustrate security dilemmas posed by globalization that elude resolution through a narrowly defined "national security" response. Also, they illustrate possibilities for new channels of dialogue at multiple levels of society, both within China and with counterparts abroad.

    Any new model of great power relations must first accurately map the contours of power and risk as it is emerging and evolving in the 21st century. Xi's call for other countries to help co-evolve new structures of shared authority is a strong move in the right direction. And his call for a "new type of major power relationship" will be most effective when people in every country can engage with a powerful China by participating in global educational partnerships.

    China's leadership in developing a global partnership network of think tanks, educational institutions, and civil society can help establish the institutional framework to allow a new generation - the diplomats, intellectuals, engineers, doctors, thinkers and decision-makers of tomorrow from across China - to maintain open channels of interaction with their peers throughout the world in identifying and responding to shared global problems.

    Today, there is no such thing as a global strategy that does not include China. What must be addressed - and what sits at the heart of global partnership - are the solutions and opportunities for research and educational collaboration that these challenges present. Greater attention in developing a cooperative agenda in the education domain will not only help address these challenges, but also assure that China will lead in the development of a "new type of major power relationship" by its own actions - because its own behavior will shape the response of every other player. At the same time, building global partnerships in education is the path through which the "Chinese Dream" could be fully realized.

    The author is co-founder with Talal Abu-Ghazaleh and chairman of the Global Challenges Forum Foundation in Geneva, Switzerland. He is also a visiting scholar at Shanghai Jiaotong University's School of International and Public Affairs.

    Most Viewed Today's Top News
    ...
    日韩人妻无码精品久久免费一| A最近中文在线| 久久亚洲中文字幕精品有坂深雪| 潮喷失禁大喷水无码| 亚洲av福利无码无一区二区| 少妇无码?V无码专区在线观看 | 久久久久亚洲AV无码专区网站| 日韩AV无码一区二区三区不卡毛片| 无码任你躁久久久久久久| 日韩人妻无码精品久久免费一| 炫硕日本一区二区三区综合区在线中文字幕 | 无码A级毛片免费视频内谢| 影音先锋中文无码一区| 最近免费中文字幕mv在线电影| 中文字幕精品无码一区二区| 99无码人妻一区二区三区免费| 亚洲Av无码精品色午夜| 国产成人无码一区二区三区在线| 亚洲天堂中文字幕| 中文字幕无码AV波多野吉衣| 少妇无码太爽了不卡视频在线看| 久久久久亚洲AV无码网站| 亚洲Av无码精品色午夜| 亚洲中文字幕无码久久精品1| 在线观看中文字幕码| 亚洲中文字幕丝袜制服一区| 中文字幕在线资源| 国产中文字幕在线免费观看| 色噜噜综合亚洲av中文无码 | 嫩草影院无码av| av区无码字幕中文色| 人妻无码精品久久亚瑟影视| 精品一区二区无码AV| 高清无码在线视频| 人妻丰满?V无码久久不卡| 无码人妻少妇久久中文字幕| 日韩av片无码一区二区三区不卡| 精品人妻少妇嫩草AV无码专区| 久久精品无码av| 一区二区三区无码高清视频| 久久精品中文无码资源站|