US EUROPE AFRICA ASIA 中文
    World / China-US

    Improve Sino-US military ties step by step

    By Shen Dingli (China Daily) Updated: 2014-05-20 07:43

    Tours of the aircraft carrier USS Ronald Reagan and the littoral combat ship USS Coronado by Chinese Chief of General Staff, General Fang Fenghui during his visit to the United States are signs of both sides' will to improve military relations.

    Fang's landing on the US aircraft carrier is a reciprocal gesture after US Defense Secretary Chuck Hagel was invited to tour the Liaoning, China's first, and so far only carrier. With China's enhanced efforts to render its military more transparent, Beijing and Washington have raised their military exchanges and cooperation to a new level.

    Opening the USS Coronado to Chinese military top brass shows the US military's willingness to engage with the Chinese military cooperatively.

    In the wake of the US "rebalancing" policy, the Pentagon is aware that the Chinese defense community is wary of the unfolding US notion of air-sea combat, in which its littoral combat ships will assume a critical role in dealing with anti-access and the area denial weapons. As the US' 4th littoral combat ship, the USS Coronado represents cutting-edge naval technology that is both agile and lethal with limited size and tonnage.

    With China's rapid rise being accompanied by the modernization of its military, the US has become naturally apprehensive about China's growing capabilities and wary of its intentions. In the same vein, China's concern over the US' response is also natural. Such mutual suspicion, if uncontrolled, could result in an enhanced sense of insecurity if not properly allayed.

    To prevent misjudgments, China and the US have been negotiating a Mechanism on Mutual Notification of Major Military Moves. This process, reportedly proposed at the summit between US President Barack Obama and Chinese President Xi Jinping at Sunnylands, California, in June last year, was advanced during General Fang's trip. This together with the proposed Code of Conduct on the Use of Air Space and Maritime Military Security on the High Sea would mean the two militaries have good channels of communication to prevent inadvertent clashes.

    Such crisis avoidance mechanisms between China and the US are of particular importance, given the mid-air collision between Chinese and US air force planes in 2001 and the numerous standoffs at sea over the past decade. As political and military trust between China and the US is still far from sufficient, it is unrealistic for each of them not to employ a hedging approach. Subsequently, their respective preparation for the worst-case scenario will go on.

    At a time of heightened tension in the East and South China seas, it is more meaningful for Beijing and Washington to be open about their respective intents, and seek collaboration whenever possible. In the East China Sea, both China and the US support the status quo, which offers them common ground. Nevertheless they differ in their judgments of who is changing the status quo in the first place. Washington views Beijing's sending of official vessels to the Diaoyu Islands as constituting the first change in the status quo, while Beijing argues that the vessels are only a response to Tokyo's "nationalization" of the main islands. Still there is overlapping room despite their differences.

    In the South China Sea, the situation is not much different. China has claimed all the rock features and the waters in their vicinity within the nine-dash line. For a long time, Beijing's claim met no opposition, whether from other countries in the region or the US. But this is no longer the case as some of its maritime neighbors are changing their position and occupying some of the islands and islets they previously never contested.

    Meanwhile, when the UN Convention on the Law of the Sea came into being in 1982, China joined it while reserving its position, and has since proposed shelving differences and jointly developing the disputed areas.

    Clearly it is not China that has challenged the status quo on the sovereignty over the rocks and surrounding waters in the South China Sea. And China's reservation on UNCLOS and proposal to shelve the disputes are less well understood and appreciated. This adds to the importance of dialogue and communication, as China deserves to be better understood for its position and practice in this part of the world. As long as the Pentagon is patient and careful, it will find that it shares more common ground than divergence with Beijing on this as well.

    Through conversation and collaboration, the Chinese and US militaries can build up mutual trust and a cooperative partnership, as a part of the new type of major-country relationship.

    General Fang's visit is another step in this ongoing process.

    The author is professor and associate dean of the Institute of International Studies, Fudan University.

    (China Daily 05/20/2014 page8)

    Trudeau visits Sina Weibo
    May gets little gasp as EU extends deadline for sufficient progress in Brexit talks
    Ethiopian FM urges strengthened Ethiopia-China ties
    Yemen's ex-president Saleh, relatives killed by Houthis
    Most Popular
    Hot Topics

    ...
    亚洲AV无码久久精品狠狠爱浪潮| 中文字幕无码第1页| 天堂а√在线中文在线| 亚洲AV无码第一区二区三区| 无码内射中文字幕岛国片| 蜜桃视频无码区在线观看| 亚洲AV无码日韩AV无码导航| 中文字幕日韩欧美| 久久中文字幕人妻丝袜| 久久久久成人精品无码| 无码人妻精品一区二区| 中文字幕无码日韩专区免费| 无码精品尤物一区二区三区| 中文字幕在线看视频一区二区三区 | 最近中文国语字幕在线播放| 无码av不卡一区二区三区| 国产亚洲精久久久久久无码| 亚洲成a人片在线观看无码| 区三区激情福利综合中文字幕在线一区 | 久热中文字幕无码视频| 中中文字幕亚洲无线码| 色视频综合无码一区二区三区| 成人免费无码H在线观看不卡| 台湾无码一区二区| 一本一道av中文字幕无码| 一级片无码中文字幕乱伦 | 无码粉嫩小泬无套在线观看| 中文在线最新版天堂8| av区无码字幕中文色| 久久精品aⅴ无码中文字字幕不卡 久久精品aⅴ无码中文字字幕重口 | 中文网丁香综合网| 中文字幕在线免费看线人| 日本乱中文字幕系列| 中文字幕亚洲综合精品一区| 久久久久综合中文字幕| 欧美日韩中文国产va另类电影| 最近免费2019中文字幕大全| 五月婷婷在线中文字幕观看 | 亚洲日产无码中文字幕| 18禁超污无遮挡无码免费网站| 久久久久亚洲AV无码专区首JN |